Monthly Archive November 26, 2021

‘If you have a problem with the institution of the family, you should look at your own child’: Family court judge dismisses claims against child’s adoptive parents

November 26, 2021 Comments Off on ‘If you have a problem with the institution of the family, you should look at your own child’: Family court judge dismisses claims against child’s adoptive parents By admin

The first lawsuit filed in federal court by a child of a former foster care mother who was jailed after being accused of murdering her adopted daughter has been dismissed, according to court documents.

In her lawsuit, Jennifer Smith claimed the adoptive parents failed to disclose the identity of her daughter and her family, who were living in a trailer in rural Oklahoma.

Smith, 44, and her husband, David, are suing the Department of Children and Families, the Oklahoma Department of Health, and the State of Oklahoma for the death of their daughter, who was 7 when she died in 2013.

The suit, which was filed last year, accuses the adoptive couple of negligent care and abandonment.

The Oklahoma Department’s Office of Child Protection, which oversees foster care, declined to comment on the lawsuit.

But the Department’s own internal review concluded the foster parents failed their duties and did not properly monitor the children, according the complaint.

The Smiths filed the lawsuit in federal district court in Oklahoma City in September 2016, the court filings show.

It claims the foster care parents failed in their duties by failing to properly supervise their children and by failing their duties to care for the children.

The lawsuit states the adoptive father, who is not named in the lawsuit, was aware of Smith’s mental health problems and that the adoptive mother had a history of drug and alcohol abuse.

The complaint also states the biological mother was pregnant with Smith’s child.

Smith was 17 when she was arrested in Oklahoma in 2012 for the alleged murder of her adopted son.

The girl was found dead in the back of her mother’s truck in 2012.

The boy was taken from his mother’s trailer and placed with his foster family.

The foster mother allegedly was in possession of drugs, a handgun, and assault rifles.

The Oklahoma Department found that Smith’s adoption had violated its adopted children welfare guidelines, which prohibit placement of a child with an adoptive parent unless the child is the only child with a similar parent.

Smith’s suit states the foster mother and adoptive father “failed to ensure the safety of the children and failed to ensure that the children were placed in safe and secure foster homes,” and that Smith was put in foster care because she had a criminal history and was pregnant.

The child was not adopted.

In 2014, Smith was convicted of capital murder for the slaying.

The adoption suit alleges Smith, who had been a foster parent for more than two years, killed the boy because she believed she had lost control of her relationship with the child.

In 2013, Smith and her adoptive parents agreed to pay $9 million to a victim who was her partner in a business.

The suit says Smith then lied to a police officer about her relationship to the child, telling police that she was not involved in the child’s care, but that she had custody of the child under a court order.

The Department of Social Services filed a motion for a new hearing on the case in 2014, alleging that Smith had committed perjury and had “violated the adoption provisions of Oklahoma law” in order to conceal her relationship and the fact that she lied to police.

The court ordered a new trial, which began in March of this year.

Smith is scheduled to return to court for a hearing in October.

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When the Left and Right are Right-Wing: Who’s Right?

November 25, 2021 Comments Off on When the Left and Right are Right-Wing: Who’s Right? By admin

The Left is the most extreme of all ideological forces.

The Right is the second-most extreme.

They’re the opposite sides of the spectrum, but both of them are on the same ideological spectrum.

They both share the same core ideology: the notion that the United States is an unjust society and that we should just stop trying to get along with the rest of the world.

This is an ideology that is built on the idea that the government is out to take from you, steal from you and then redistribute to the rich, while at the same time, they have the right to impose their values on you.

The Left wants to impose a version of American exceptionalism on the rest to whom it is true that the U.S. is the only nation on earth that is truly exceptional.

The right wants to defend the values that made America exceptional.

So who’s right?

The Left: The left has always been the one that is anti-American and the most intolerant of America’s true exceptionalism.

The left believes that America is a fundamentally flawed and unjust society, that its values are somehow inherently wrong, and that its institutions are inherently illegitimate.

The reason that the left is more intolerant is because it believes that it has been made superior by America’s institutions.

The leftists believe that America was born to rule and protect the interests of white people, and so it is only natural that the Left will hold up the ideals of the United Nations and the rule of law as a sign of superiority.

The problem with this is that the right has never been made to feel superior, that the nation was never made superior to other nations.

And if we want to be sure that the rights of the American people are upheld, then we must remember that the Right is more willing to accept the legitimacy of the Constitution than to accept that of the Left.

So if you want to see the right’s superiority, look at the right, not the left.

The conservatives have always held America’s exceptionalism in check.

But they’ve also always been very intolerant.

For example, when the Supreme Court declared in 1967 that the federal government had the right under the Constitution to deny the rights and protections of African Americans, conservatives were appalled, and rightly so.

They felt the federal court’s ruling was an attack on the fundamental institution of American democracy.

So they were very upset and felt that they had to do something to counter it.

But in doing so, they were trying to give a political advantage to the left by saying that the court was illegitimate, and therefore the right had no legal right to defend those rights.

The Constitution did not protect them from the court.

The government has no legal authority to deny them their rights, and the Constitution does not give them any legal authority whatsoever to deny those rights to others.

But the right is the one with the legal authority, because it’s the one who was made to enforce the Constitution.

The Supreme Court, the Supreme Being that was made the legal authorities, the United Nation, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and others, are just the same as the United states.

They are not the only legal authorities.

The U.N. is just the U., and the World Trade Organization is just one of the U.’s legal authorities that is just another legal authority that the Constitution has created.

But while the right does have legal authority in the United Kingdom, the European Union, and other legal bodies, it does not have the legal power in the U to do anything that would undermine the constitution.

So while the Right does have a legal authority over the U, it has no power over the people of the states.

And while the Left does have power over states, it doesn’t have power in states to do things that would jeopardize the legitimacy or the constitutionality of those states’ legal authority.

This brings me to the final point, the role of the Supreme being the ultimate arbiter of the truth, and thus the arbiter over the constitution, and also over the laws that are made by those states.

This means that, if the government really wants to make sure that its citizens have a better life, then it should be willing to make its laws so that those states are better able to make those laws.

And the government should be so willing that it would accept the idea of a U. Nations that has the right of all nations to participate in the global governance system that is the United State.

The question then becomes: How would that U.UN work?

How would it work?

First, it would have a very limited role.

The UN is not a lawmaking body.

It is not meant to be a global arbiter.

It’s meant to enforce international norms that have been agreed upon by the international community.

These international norms are called the Vienna Convention, and it is the U’s job to enforce them.

The purpose of the Convention is to set rules for the conduct of international relations, and


How to design an inclusive society: ‘The social fabric is a very complex thing’

November 1, 2021 Comments Off on How to design an inclusive society: ‘The social fabric is a very complex thing’ By admin

In this week’s edition of ABC’s Essential podcast, ABC journalist David Whitehead discusses how to design a society that is inclusive and respectful of everyone and the way we are designed to live our lives.

The show features an in-depth discussion with renowned social designer and architect, Patriarchy, about the ways in which the social fabric can be constructed, and how it can be shaped.

Patriarch explains how social structures and social institutions are woven together, and shows us the importance of being inclusive, and making our social structures as diverse as possible.


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How to get a passport to Hezbollah social institutions

November 1, 2021 Comments Off on How to get a passport to Hezbollah social institutions By admin

Institutional social institutions are popular social institutions that offer social support, education and outreach.

They are not formally part of the Lebanese government but are widely accepted by society.

You can visit an institutional social institution and ask to speak to its members.

These are known as “federal institutions” and are operated by the national government.

The official name of these institutions is “Institutional Social Institutions of Lebanon” or “ISIL” and their website can be found at:

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The best games of 2016

November 1, 2021 Comments Off on The best games of 2016 By admin

A review of every game released this year for the PlayStation 4.

Read more A review on the PlayStation Blog of all the best games released this summer for PlayStation 4, including new releases from The Witcher 3: Wild Hunt, Mirror’s Edge Catalyst, and Batman: Arkham Knight.

What’s next for social services in NSW?

November 1, 2021 Comments Off on What’s next for social services in NSW? By admin

More than half of all NSW government services are provided by social service agencies, with the majority of agencies providing mental health services, according to new government data.

A spokeswoman for NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian said the number of social services provided by agencies was “extremely limited” and the government was “working hard to address this gap”.

“The number of agencies has declined over the last few years,” she said.

“The numbers of people receiving support in NSW has decreased, but the number receiving social care has increased.”

There is still a long way to go to address the long-standing and persistent problems that have plagued social care and the long term effects that these issues have had on families and communities.

“Topics:social-service-institutions,government-and-politics,government—state-issues,nsw,australiaContact Lisa BreslinMore stories from New South Wales

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FourFour: What to do about the cultural decline

November 1, 2021 Comments Off on FourFour: What to do about the cultural decline By admin

4Four: In the midst of the crisis, what to do?

article By David Schofield and Adam GaffneyFourFourTwo: What should be done about the decline of the institutional social, institutional social solidarity, institutional and institutional social power, and the institutional and social capital of the institutions and institutions-based social capital?

The authors have argued that the decline in social capital is rooted in two factors: the decline and its implications for the development of the nation, and its decline and consequences for the state and politics.

The decline in the social capital that exists in the institutions-centred social capital in the modern world has been a persistent and pervasive theme of political discourse for many years.

However, as the debate about the state, politics and the state of governance in Britain has become more focused, the political and policy discourse has begun to shift from what should be happening in Britain and what has actually been happening in the UK.

The rise of populism and xenophobia in the United Kingdom and the rise of nationalism in France has taken centre stage.

There has been much speculation as to what is driving the rise in these issues.

The authors of this paper argue that the collapse of the social and institutional capital of institutions and the political, political, and social power of institutions, has played a crucial role in the decline, and therefore the rise, of populism in Britain, France and across the world.

The authors point out that the economic crisis of 2008-9 saw a sharp rise in the number of young people and young people of working age, both economically and culturally, leaving institutions and social trust in the state in the hands of young adults.

The result was a sharp decline in institutional social and social solidarity and in the capacity of the state to mobilise and sustain the social, political and political power of the institution, institutions- and state-based and institutions of social capital.

The state was left with little to do except respond to the crisis of institutions-as-capital and the subsequent economic and social crisis of the world economy and its related social crises, including the pandemic.

As a result, the state has been left with the task of maintaining and sustaining its institutions and its social capital at all costs, with the consequent need for social cohesion.

The fall of institutions as capital, the fall of social and political capital and the decline have resulted in the emergence of populist and xenophobic politics and policies in the countries that have suffered from the pandemics.

The paper argues that these political and economic policies have led to a decline in state power, the social cohesion of the country, and, in the case of France, a sharp increase in nationalism.

These two trends have led, the authors say, to the emergence, and now the rise and expansion of a new form of populism, which is being fuelled by the political rhetoric and policies of those who are at the forefront of the populist surge.

The researchers point out, however, that there is an alternative route to a recovery of institutions’ social and moral capital that has emerged in recent years.

This alternative route is to take a different view of the decline.

This alternative view is that, although the institutions are failing, institutions have always been failing in the past, and institutions cannot be defeated or transformed by the state.

This is because the state cannot transform institutions and cannot defeat institutions.

The alternative view of institutions is that the social structures that underpin the political institutions and state power are structurally stable and can be transformed and maintained.

This can happen, the paper argues, by re-structuring institutions as social and cultural capital and by creating social trust and social cohesion, which will enable the state not only to engage in policymaking but also to engage with the public in ways that strengthen the state’s ability to function.

The author argues that the current political and social discourse on the rise for both the UK and France in the wake of the pandems shows the limitations of institutions based on the status quo, and that, as a result of this discourse, the current discourse of “the crisis” is being used to undermine the legitimacy of the political system.

The new politics of the moment, in contrast, is based on a new set of institutions that is grounded in the new social order.

The debate about what institutions can and should be changed in order to make Britain and France stronger and more stable, for example, is a debate that needs to take place in the political arena, and it should be.

The debate should be about how to transform and restore the institutions that underpin those institutions, how to build institutions that strengthen and protect those institutions and how to engage the public and the government in the building of a stronger, more democratic, more prosperous and more peaceful society.

The report is entitled ‘The Rise of Populism in Britain’ and is available at


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